Special Report: 30 Years of Reform & Opening Up
BEIJING, Dec. 25 -- China has undergone
tremendous social, economic and political changes since late leader Deng
Xiaoping launched the reform and opening up drive 30 years ago. One of the great
results from such changes is the country's new foreign affairs strategy with
full Chinese characteristics, especially its ideological foundation and basic
principles.
China's top leaders in the post-Deng Xiaoping era
have further enriched the ideology concerning world politics and the nation's
foreign policies. Traditionally their ideology in this regard comprised three
major elements: The vision and fundamental idea of international relations
contained in Marxism, Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought; Chinese patriotism, which
is also called Chinese contemporary radical nationalism; and realistic thinking
in international relations and foreign policies, or the so-called realpolitik,
which is by no means unique to the Chinese.
Call it "neo-internationalism" if you will, but the
new element has been injected into the ideological system of China's top leaders
since the early years of reform and opening. Its main characteristic lies in
certain relatively fast-growing beliefs - as in multilateral cooperation,
international systems and cross-national apolitical exchanges aimed at peace and
development.
Ideas such as the "new outlook of security" and
"philosophy of world harmony", to a considerable extent, can be seen as the
manifestation of this "neo-internationalism". By the same token, the overall
"intensity" of modern Chinese nationalism that our top leaders embrace has been
dropping compared with the Mao Zedong era, though it is still absolutely
necessary in matters concerning the nation's sovereignty and territorial
integrity.
Their realist thinking has also been enriched with
some new elements that are very beneficial to the world as well as to China:
Their concept of "national interest" has become a hybrid with certain
"international community-esque" traits. Or shall I say a considerable part of
China's national interest is now believed to be fused with or mutually
complementary to the common interests of the international community.
The fundamental principle of China's strategic
thinking in foreign affairs has also changed since the start of reform and
opening as compared with the Mao era. It can be summarized in just two words -
peaceful development.
The strategic benefit of peaceful development is
apparent. It is overwhelmingly dependent on peaceful and non-military sources of
power and projection of influence. It is by nature non-violent and non-invasive,
gradual and accumulative, far-reaching and pervasive, all-win and mutually
beneficial, and, relatively speaking, least likely to evoke strong resistance
while its result is most acceptable. That makes it effective and worthwhile at
the same time.
Besides, while most of the basic nature of
international politics is changing, peaceful development enjoys a rather solid
foundation, because war as an effective means to serve national interest has
been losing value. While the daily priority in international relations has been
shifting from territorial and military security to economic development and soft
power, a country's economic, cultural, diplomatic and moral influence has been
gaining importance over military power; and the interdependence between national
economies in today's world has been gaining depth as well as persuasion. Amid
such changes, peaceful development suits the basic trend of world politics and
has most of the fundamentals that guarantee success.
Of course, world politics has not lost all the basic
characteristics of the past. Power politics remains a major dimension of world
politics, and so do the core-periphery relationship in the political-economic
sense of the term and the profound inherent contradictions of the global
capitalist system. Territorial and military security is still considered very
significant, while advanced military forces and a strong will to defend oneself
in the face of security threats such as superior military power are absolutely
needed.
And, faced with globalization, developed major powers
and cross-national capital, developing nations, in particular, still find
themselves ridden with vulnerabilities. That is why the Chinese government and
people have not forgotten or taken lightly this reality since the reform and
opening up began. And we understand it should never be handled in a crude and
unsophisticated manner.
The essence of reform and opening up, or the prime
experience from it, is perhaps advancing with the times, which can also be
described as adapting oneself to the changing times and the changing world
through creative adjustment.
Creative adaptation is the most important of all
strategic capabilities for both internal and external affairs. For today's
China, a top priority is to discover and identify the critical bottlenecks that
have accompanied or intertwined with great achievements it has made. They affect
the inner balance of the economy, social justice and protection of the
environment. There are also the changes in, or changing trend of, world
politics, economy and culture, which are characterized more prominently than
anything else by the current financial crisis in the US and Europe and the
recession in the US, Europe and Japan.
China must now keep in mind more than ever the big
picture of world politics and the dynamics of its trend; keep in mind the
importance of adapting to such dynamics through creative adjustment; and
maintain strategic capabilities such as the courage to explore and experiment,
and readiness for critical observation and adjustment.
China is making great efforts to change its economic
development pattern according to the theory of Scientific Outlook on Development
in order to ensure that the country's development is truly healthy and
sustainable. And this will remain the most important task of the nation in the
years to come.
As for its foreign strategy, China needs to seriously
think about and study the following major new issues: the basic trend and
changes of the contemporary world; the changing top-level agenda of world
politics; The changes in the distribution in power around the world and the
challenges and opportunities they bring to China against the backdrop of a
global financial crisis and economic downturn; China's vulnerability in multiple
aspects of world politics and economy; and the creation and optimization of its
foreign economic strategy and "political culture" strategy.
The author is a professor at the Institute of
International Relations of Renmin University
(Source: China Daily)
