From the above analysis, we see the Dalai Lama is talking about seeking a way out "within the framework of the Chinese Constitution" but, at the same time, he sticks to his principles that run counter to the PRC Constitution. This shows that what he pursues is a swindle and nothing stands between his "high-level autonomy" and "Tibetan independence". When the Dalai Lama made public his "five points" and "seven points", the Central Government immediately made it clear that this showed he had not given up his stand for "independence of Tibet". Any form of "independence of Tibet" won't do. In 1987, a US congressional source declared: "The United States has not shown any support for the Dalai's five points geared to turn Tibet into a peace zone, as behind them is the obvious intention to promote Tibetan independence". The Tibetan Bulletin operated by the Dalai clique carried a signed story in 2004 saying: 'Elements who stand for independence think the five-point peace proposal and the Strasbourg proposal are a kind of betrayal, because they have failed to read between lines. So long as conditions are ripe, they will play a role geared to gaining real independence.'

    The five and seven points are what the Dalai Lama first proposed some 20 years ago. Some may say he did so at that time because he was under the strong influence of foreign anti-China forces; but what he proposes as the "middle way" is something different. This writer has been examining a "publicity pamphlet" on the middle way issued in June 2005 by the "foreign affairs and news relations department of the Tibet government-in-exile". Highlights of the "manual on the middle way" show it to be closely related to the five and seven points. The manual says the Strasbourg proposal was put forward by the Dalai Lama and determined in a democratic way and hence should not be altered. Sangdong told Tibetans who went to India from China for Buddhist rituals in 2005 that "all the work should be done on the basis of the 1987 five points and 1988 Strasbourg proposal of the Dalai Lama. They are our political programs".

    It is true that when the Dalai dished out his five and seven points, he was under foreign influence. In June 1987, US House of Representatives proposed a revision regarding human rights in Tibet, which was the first Western resolution against China related to Tibet in the 1980s. In September the same year, the Dalai Lama visited the United States ostensibly as a religious leader. He dished out his "five points" at a US human rights group meeting on September 21. Some reported that the "five-point" speech was drafted by people within the US group according to the US document entitled "Revised Scheme on Human Rights in Tibet". The American scholar Goldstein pointed out in his work Dragon and the Snow Lion that the new offensive launched by the Dalai government-in-exile and its friends in London, New York and Washington DC was meant for Western audiences, instead of the Chinese.

    A few years ago, this writer met a former official with the Dalai side. He mentioned a discussion among them on the Dalai's speech to the US Congress in 1987. Some said then that turning Tibet into a peace zone was a strategy used by the British invaders in the past and the Qing emperor had rejected it; therefore, the Chinese Government would not agree. Obsessed with the support from the West, no one had a sober mind.

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