BEIJING, Aug. 12 (Xinhuanet) -- As the separatist forces in Taiwan have quickened their steps towards independence, people wonder why they can go so wild.

    Independence forces alone are not undeterable. They do not have enough courage or the strength and will to become the enemy of the whole nation, including Taiwanese compatriots. But substantial support, covert or obvious, is given to Taiwan pro-independence forces from the United States, said an article in Thursday's China Daily.

    The support has proven a large obstacle to the mainland's reunification efforts.

    The commitments reached by thoughtful Chinese and US politicians more than 25 years ago, which have made possible a generally stable and healthy Sino-US relationship in the years that have followed, are continually challenged by certain US elements.

    In the Sino-US Joint Communique of August 17, 1982, the then-US government committed to a policy of not pursuing a long-term course of arms sales to Taiwan.

    It also promised its weapons sales to the island would not exceed the levels in quality and quantity in the few years after diplomatic relations were established and that sales would gradually be reduced until they were finally halted.

    The commitment has been basically maintained, although not fully, by successive US governments until President George W. Bush came along.

    In any case, Bush, as the president of the country which boasts the greatest number of think-tanks and intelligence agencies in the world, should have already been knowledgeable about the China's stated positions and bottom line from his dealings with the nation over the years.

    It is an unchangeable stance that keeping Taiwan - part of Chinese territory since ancient time - within the fold, serves as China's foremost national interests.

    In its foreign affairs, decision-makers in Beijing have always attached great importance to the United States. But they will never pursue such relations at the price of a loss of Taiwan.

    The Bush administration has been encouraging independence forces in Taiwan.

    On May 20, the same day Taiwan "president" Chen Shui-bian was inaugurated into a second term, the US House of Representatives passed a bill authorizing the Pentagon to send general-level officials to Taiwan to assist in its defence against the mainland.

    That month, after Bush reiterated US nominal support for the "one-China" policy in a telephone call with Chinese President Hu Jintao, the Pentagon issued a report warning that the mainland's military was modernizing rapidly with the express aim of conquering Taiwan.

    That month the House of Representatives voted to support Taiwan's bid to join the World Health Organization (WHO), whose membership is open only to sovereign countries. Taiwan does not belong to that category.

    Almost at the same time, the United States gave a green light to Taiwan "vice-president" Annette Lu, reviled on the mainland for her pro-independence views, to make transit stops in its territory en route to and from Central America.

    Worse, the United States has kept close negotiations with Taiwan politicians for a US$18.2 billion arms package to the island, including six Patriot Advanced anti-missile systems, eight diesel-engine submarines and 12 P-3C Orion anti-submarine aircraft.

    The United States said the arms sales are aimed at improving Taiwan's sea command and control abilities and expanding its strike range in the face of an "aggressive" military on the mainland.

    The military sales will improve Taiwan "self-defence" capability. But they will also increase the independence-pursuing courage of a handful of island plotters.

    In fact, it has become Chen Shui-bian's latest tactic to seek independence by relying upon the import of sophisticated weapons from foreign countries.

    Besides weapons sales, the United States has also shown its support to Taiwan independence forces with its own actions.

    From the very outset of June, the United States has held a series of military exercises with its allies in areas not too far from Taiwan.

    All these drills were aimed at dealing with the imaginary emergency situation when the mainland attacks Taiwan.

    The US policy towards China has become more obvious, that is, giving more vocal support to the mainland while providing more active support to Taiwan.

    So it is not strange that when warning Taiwan's leadership several times not to upset the status quo, Bush continues to support Taiwan.

    So it is natural that Beijing has taken no solace from the White House's words of backing the "one-China" commitment and opposed independence attempt from Taiwan.

    The United States has played a double-handed game across the Taiwan Straits, which has made both the mainland and Taiwan reliable to it in the past.

    But it seems the tactics are no longer workable.

    The US actions have sent a wrong signal to the independence-minded separatists in Taiwan that the US will intervene in a possible military conflict with the mainland.

    The policy has also made Beijing feel that Washington is not a reliable partner in efforts to keep Taiwan in check.

    Obviously, since Chen Shui-bian's re-election, Chinese leaders have been more and more dissatisfied with the US position during their meetings with American officials on many occasions.

    The US recent actions have hammered home that America has already reduced pressures on Chen's independence moves while warming its relations with him.

    The Chinese leadership has also understood from these actions that current decision-makers in Washington are not proceeding on the basis of the agreements the United States earlier reached with China.

    In his July 30 conversation with Bush by telephone, Hu warned the United States about arms sales, and repeated the mainland's position that it doesn't want war and will never tolerate Taiwan independence.

    Bush said in these phone conversations that the American's "one-China" policy has not changed, just as he said to Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao during his visit to the United States last year.

    Bush's attitudes have been repeated by other US high-level officials.

    Admiral Thomas Fargo, head of the US military's Pacific Command, said similar words when visiting China in July.

    So did US National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice, who visited China the same month.

    Should we count on their words?

    Can the US position of supporting one China coexist with its support for Taiwanese trying to separate China?

    Washington's acts have made it more obvious that the Taiwan Relations Act overweighs the "one-China" commitment.

    Taiwan independence forces can not afford to be on the opposite side of the 1.3 billion Chinese, and neither can the United States.

    Washington will finally find its policy towards Taiwan have already steered to a dangerous place where the fundamental interests of the mainland, Taiwan and the United States itself will be seriously compromised if not restored.

    (China Daily)